Ambassador Srikumar Menon, IFS (Retd)
a 6 mins read.
Historical Context
The long-drawn-out independence movement and conflict from 1791 to 1804 led to large-scale destruction and erosion of Haiti’s valued agricultural assets and plantations. The catastrophic effects of conflict eventually resulted in the newly born country having to pay heavy reparations to France in return for diplomatic recognition.
The independence movement, while a triumph for Haiti, had severe economic consequences. The country was forced to pay heavy reparations to France for almost 120 years, a burden that has been a significant drain on the Haitian economy. This ‘debt repayment trap’ has prevented the country from recovering, and it continues to grapple with the effects of this historical burden. Understanding this context is crucial to comprehending the current economic challenges faced by Haiti.
Haitians have been witnessing such a bleak scenario without any succour for the past several years. They have faced recurring periods of turmoil right from the mid-1950s with the onset of the autocratic rule of dictator François Duvalier (known as Papa Doc). Later, in the 1970s, his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier (“Baby Doc”), wielded absolute power through a corruption-tainted regime that further bled the economy of the country. In 1986, amid violent protests, ’Baby Doc’ Duvalier fled Haiti. The political turbulence in Haiti that followed continued till 1991, when Jean-Bertrand Aristide took over as Haiti’s first democratically elected president. He was eventually deposed in a coup d’état on 29 February 2004, following several weeks of anti-government protests, unrest, and conflict.
The negative after-effects of these unfortunate events were further compounded by long periods of political instability, the breakdown of democratic institutions, and the absence of a functional parliament and government.
Anatomy of the Current Crisis
The past 3 years have seen a sharp upsurge in violence and a deepening of the leadership and governance crisis in Haiti – a direct fallout from the killing of President Moïse in July 2021. Within a month of this tragic event, a devastating earthquake struck Haiti, causing 2,200 deaths, with extensive destruction and devastation. Since the Moise assassination, and to date, the country has had no President. Acting Prime Minister Ariel Henry, who took charge of the government, faced accusations of involvement in the President’s assassination, triggering raucous demands for his resignation.
The negative after-effects of these unfortunate events were further compounded by long periods of political instability, the breakdown of democratic institutions, and the absence of a functional parliament and government. The present state of anarchy and chaos, fueled by uninhibited corruption, impunity, and inefficient government machinery, created a dangerous power vacuum in the country. In March this year, armed gangs took to the streets and blockaded the airport to prevent PM Henry from returning to Haiti after an official visit to Kenya.
Till recently, vast swathes of territories within the capital, Port-au-Prince, continued to be under the control of multiple warring groups and gangs. Several people were killed, and hundreds injured in the aftermath of unceasing gang violence. There is a huge trust deficit among the Haitian population, who are faced with an acute feeling of utter despondency, weariness, and discontent. This is clearly noticeable in their lack of belief in the country’s political, administrative, governance, and security structure.
The common man in Haiti blames the politicians for the current mess. Many of them point to instances of unbridled greed among the political class amid accusations of the involvement of some leaders in protecting, funding, and arming violent gangs. Hitherto, the governing dispensation has not been able to decisively take control nor stem the trafficking and flow of illegal weapons into the country, something which helps to sustain the violent gangs on the streets. The power vacuum has helped several gang leaders and criminal elements to prosper and wield influence while forging mercenary ties with political groups.
Haiti is a country with only a semblance of an Army – manned by about 700 personnel, while its Police force is increasingly seen as incapable of restoring peace and order in the various pockets controlled by violent gangs. These run-away, unrestrained gangs, which hitherto operated with impunity, have often prevented attempts by the administration to distribute much-needed food and provisions among the needy members of the populace.
During the worst phase of the violence, there were reports of food and aid consignments being commandeered from the port by these violent, lawless elements. Recently, law enforcement agencies, despite the meagre resources at their disposal, were able to prevent an armed attack on the presidential palace by armed gang members.
As in any crisis of this magnitude, women and children have been the most susceptible, defenseless, and vulnerable sections of the population. They continue to face the perils of unrelenting violence perpetrated by armed gangs operating with impunity. Suppose one were to look back into Haiti’s recent past. In that case, it is apparent that the hapless population has borne the brunt of frequent natural disasters, humanitarian and political crises, civil disorder, healthcare emergencies, a mismanaged economy, high inflation, and poverty.
International Efforts
The United States sees Haiti as strategically important, given its proximity to Latin America, and takes a keen interest in leading international efforts to resolve the crisis. The situation in Haiti has been raised and discussed on several occasions at the United Nations. Debates at the UNSC have covered pressing issues in Haiti like flagrant violations of human rights, delivery of humanitarian aid, maintenance of security, and peacekeeping challenges.
An International Peacekeeping force was deployed in Haiti from 2004 to 2017 as part of MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) to help restore law and order. After its disbanding in 2017, successive peacekeeping Missions, albeit on a smaller scale, have helped to build and supplement the capacity of the Haitian law enforcement agencies.
As part of international support for the struggling country, a UN-mandated multinational security support (MSS) force was proposed in October 2023 under the leadership of Kenya to assist the Haitian police. Latin American and Caribbean countries, as part of CARICOM, have shown willingness to participate in the MSS. However, to date, this force has yet to be deployed. On its part, the US has pledged to provide US$ 10 million in equipment to the Haitian security forces.
India has maintained friendly relations with Haiti, though its bilateral engagements have been rather limited. In 2008, India contributed paramilitary personnel to MINUSTAH as part of the latter’s international peacekeeping efforts in Haiti. Besides sanctioning emergency and financial relief aid and medical and humanitarian assistance to Haiti in the wake of natural disasters like earthquakes and hurricanes, India has also regularly extended capacity-building support for Haitian nationals.
Current State of Play in Haiti
Haitians, weary from the country’s long-drawn strife, saw a ray of hope in April 2024, with the creation of a Transitional Council charged with the responsibility of nominating new political leadership and charting a road map for restoring democratic institutions through elections.
Another positive development prior to the new government takeover was the re-opening and restoration of operations at the international airport in the Capital, Port-au-Prince, on 20 May 2024. (The airport had remained closed for almost three months after armed gangs took control in March.) A multinational security support force also arrived in Haiti to help in operations to contain the gang violence.
Acting PM Henry formally resigned on 24 April 2024 following the establishment of the Transitional Council. Within two months, a new government was sworn in on 12 June 2024 after the Council appointed Garry Conille as the new interim Prime Minister. None of the ministers from the discredited Henry-led government were included in the new cabinet.
The road ahead for the new government is full of challenges. Difficult as it is, the initial phase of its term is going to severely test its ability to work with international support agencies and find ways to fulfill its prime mandate of restoring law and order in the country.
Prospects of Peace and Normalcy
From the perspective of international observers, the formation of a new government is a welcome step, a fresh beginning, which raises hopes for the restoration of a semblance of stability in the political, security, and administrative spheres of this unstable, impoverished, and violence-hit nation.
The road ahead for the new government is full of challenges. Difficult as it is, the initial phase of its term is going to severely test its ability to work with international support agencies and find ways to fulfill its prime mandate of restoring law and order in the country. While doing so, its foremost priority would be to allay the feeling of ennui and skepticism among the population by taking proactive and firm steps to restore the legitimacy of the governance structure.
The new regime will have to prioritise its work for restoring peace by revamping the security apparatus, focusing on social and economic development and food security, and rehabilitating the healthcare and education system. These challenges are there to be faced and resolved with resolute administrative control as it prepares for the long-haul journey towards achieving its mandate of restoring the rule of law, institutionalising democracy, and holding elections by 2026.
By all accounts, the initial success of the transition process and the establishment of a new government bodes well for Haiti and its people. Let us hope for their sake that this transition to peace and normalcy is completed successfully and taken to its logical conclusion.
(Ambassador Srikumar Menon, IFS (Retd.), Former Ambassador of India to South Sudan, Angola, and Sao Tome & Principe. The views expressed are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The News Analytics Journal)
